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Waa qoraalkayga “dib-u-eegis iyo hor-u-eegis” ee 2025

Week 52 of 2025… my 5 minutes of fame in Somali language

Sanadkii 2025, qoraalladaydu waxay ku wareegeen afar mawduuc oo is-xiran: dib-u-dhiska dowladnimada Soomaaliyeed, maamulidda dhaqaale doolaraysan oo sii dijitaalaysanaya, dib-u-meelaynta Soomaaliya ee nidaam caalami ah oo is-beddelaya, iyo sida kulamada nolol-maalmeedka – onlayn iyo ka baxsanba – loogu beddeli karo ficil siyaasadeed iyo siyaasad-dejineed oo wax ku ool ah. Tixraacyada qoraallada 2025 ee hoos ku xusan waxaa lagu bixin doonaa cag-hoosaad 1.

Qoraallo si weyn u soo jiitay dareenka akhristayaasha ayaa falanqeeyay dhismaha dowlad dijitaal ah iyo kalsoonida hay’adaha. Waxaan adeegsaday hirgelintii e-visa iyo eTAS ee Sebtembar 2025 si aan u tijaabiyo awoodda dowladeed ee “Soomaaliya ma u diyaarsan tahay E-Visa?”, anigoo is weydiinaya in hay’ado nugul ay sii wadi karaan isbeddello waaweyn iyadoo kalsoonida dadweynuhu hooseyso. Qoraal kale oo la socda oo ku saabsanaa jebinta e-visa ayaa ku dooday in weerarrada cyber-ka ay lama huraan yihiin, isla markaana sharciyaddu ay ku xirnaanayso daahfurnaan, shaacinta degdegga ah, iyo ilaalin muuqata oo xogta muwaadiniinta ah – taasoo si dadban u dhaliilaysa aamusnaanta rasmiga ah. Qoraallo kale oo la xiriira adeegsiga tiknoolajiyadda si loo wanaajiyo sawirka dowladnimada Soomaaliyeed ayaa ballaariyay dooddan: e-dowladnimo, haddii si wanaagsan loo maamulo, waxay gacan ka geysan kartaa muujinta karti iyo kalsooni gudaha iyo dibaddaba.

Koox labaad oo qoraallo ah ayaa diiradda saaray maamul-dhaqaale, doolarayn, iyo nuglaanta dhaqaale. “Farqiga Maamul ee Qaybta Maaliyadda Soomaaliya” wuxuu sharaxay halista nidaam bangiyo iyo lacag-moobil ah oo si fudud loo nidaamiyay, wuxuuna ku adkaystay in dib-u-habayntu tahay caqabad maamul, ka hor inta aysan ahayn mid farsamo. Qoraallo ku saabsan “Xasillooni-darro Dhaqaale iyo Siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya” ayaa ku xidhay qalalaase-dhaqaale hay’ado daciif ah, eex, iyo saameyn dibadeed. “Maxaa sababay, yaase doolarayn ku sameeyay shilinka Soomaaliyeed?” wuxuu raacay doolaraynta aan rasmiga ahayn sida natiijo ka dhalatay colaado, kalsooni-darro, iyo raadinta qiime xasilloon oo ka baxsan dowladnimada, halkii ay ka ahaan lahayd go’aan keli ah oo si ula kac ah loo qaatay. Dhaliishani waxay sidoo kale ka muuqatay xaqiiqooyin bulsho: “Dalxiisayaal caafimaad oo la sheegay” iyo “Ku xayiran oo aan dhalasho lahayn – Soomaalida ku dhibaateysan garoomada shisheeye” ayaa isku xidhay daryeel-caafimaad oo daciif ah, nidaamyo dukumeenti oo liita, iyo ilaalin qunsuliyadeed oo yar, kuwaas oo horseeda safarro xuduud-dhaaf ah oo halis ah, badanaa loo maro xarumo caafimaad oo Aasiya ah, isla markaana lagu calaamadeeyo bahdilid garoomada diyaaradaha.

Xarigga saddexaad wuxuu horumariyay diblomaasiyadda Soomaaliya ee nidaam caalami ah oo is-beddelaya, gaar ahaan Shiinaha iyo Jabaan. “Soomaaliya oo u dhexeysa Laba Shir-weyne: Maxay Yinchuan iyo Yokohama Muhiim u Yihiin?” wuxuu Soomaaliya ku meeleeyay inta u dhexeysa Shirka Carabta-Shiinaha ee Yinchuan iyo kulamada nooca TICAD ee Yokohama, isagoo weydiinaya sida ay Soomaaliya ula macaamili karto labada cirif iyada oo aan noqonnin laacib. “Iskaashiga Jabaan-Soomaaliya ee Nidaam Caalami ah oo Is-beddelaya” wuxuu iftiimiyay Expo Osaka 2025 sida madal dhiirrigelin maalgashi iyo iskaashi ka qaan-gaadhsan gargaar keli ah. “Feng Shui-ga Soomaaliya iyo Shiinaha” wuxuu adeegsaday mala-awaal si uu uga tarjumo sida hoggaamiyeyaasha Soomaaliyeed u habeeyaan xiriirkooda Beijing, halka qoraal ballaaran oo diblomaasiyadeed uu soo koobay casharro ku saabsan xirfad-hawleed, awood hay’adeed, iyo istaraatiijiyad fog.

Gudaha dalka, waxaan ku laabtay dib-u-dhis, baarlamaan, waxbarasho, iyo rabshad. “Doorka Baarlamaanka ee Dib-u-dhiska Soomaaliya” wuxuu ku dooday in sharci-dejintu ka badan tahay meel eexeed, isagoo adkeeyay sharci-samayn, kormeer, iyo matalaad sida tiirarka dowlad-dhiska. “Dib-u-dhis iyo Horumarinta Soomaaliya” iyo “Milicsiga Shirweynihii 15aad ee Cilmiga Soomaaliyeed” ayaa adeegsaday kulankii SSIA ee Muqdisho si ay u muujiyaan aragtiyo is-khilaafsan oo ku saabsan federaalnimo, horumar, iyo soo-saarka aqoonta Soomaaliyeed. “Waxbarasho, saboolnimo, iyo rabshad Soomaaliya” wuxuu ku xidhay iskuullo liita wareegyo saboolnimo, qorasho rabshado, iyo sinaan-darro la soo celiyo, isagoo ku dooday in istaraatiijiyadda amniga ay noqoto mid bulsho-dhaqaale iyo waxbarasho ku salaysan, ee aan ahayn mid milatari oo keli ah.

Ugu dambayn, dhowr qoraal ayaa ahaa kuwo milicsi ah. “Soomaaliya – Qaran u socda mustaqbal ifaya iyadoo taariikhdiisu la socoto” wuxuu falanqeeyay sida kala-qaybsigii gumeysiga iyo dagaalladii sokeeye ay weli u culays saaran yihiin sheekooyinka horumarka. “Fikrado socda si kulamada loogu beddelo ficil Soomaaliya” oo ka dhashay shir ganacsi iyo maalgashi 2025 ah, wuxuu weydiiyay sida kulamada qurba-joogta iyo indha-indheynta safarradu ugu beddeli karaan hindisayaal la taaban karo halkii ay ka ahaan lahaayeen sheekooyin luma. “Sanadkii tegay…” wuxuu isku xiray 2024 iyo 2025 milicsi shakhsiyeed, diin, iyo siyaasadeed, kuna soo ururay oraahda “Ha noqoto 2025 ka wanaagsan 2024”, rajo leh, balse miyir qaba oo ka warqaba baaxadda hawsha.

Marka la isku geeyo, wax-soo-saarkii 2025 wuxuu sawirayaa dal u dhexeeya nuglaansho iyo suurtagalnimo: tijaabinaya qalab dowlad-dijitaal ah, la tacaalaya nidaam maaliyadeed oo doolaraysan oo oligopolistic ah, raadinaya meel uu ku dhaqaaqo diblomaasiyad ahaan u dhexeysa Shiinaha, Jabaan, iyo quwado kale, isla markaana si joogto ah u weydiinaya sida Soomaalida gudaha iyo qurba-joogtuba uga beddeli karaan dood iyo kulan isbeddel hay’adeed.

Sagootin murugsan oo loo dirayo 2025 ee Geeska Afrika
Dabayaaqadii Diseembar 2025, Geesku ma aha oo keliya “xasillooni-darro” eray guud oo falanqeeyayaashu mararka qaarkood u adeegsadaan si ay uga fogaadaan sharaxaad akhlaaqeed. Waa gobol cadaadis ka muuqdo tolmoon, cadaadis ku khasbaya dowladaha inay si cod dheer uga hadlaan midnimo maadaama ay ka baqayaan dhawaaqa kala-qaybsanaanta.

Qoraalka ugu culus dhammaadka sanadka waa aqoonsiga Israa’iil ee Somaliland – oo la sheegay inuu yahay aqoonsigii ugu horreeyay ee noocaas ah – iyo hirarka uu ka kiciyay Muqdisho iyo meelo kale. Qaramada Midoobay gudaheeda, Israa’iil waxay difaacday tallaabadan iyadoo ay jireen diidmo iyo shaki ku saabsan ujeeddooyin istaraatiiji ah oo ballaaran. In arrintan loo akhriyo khilaaf laba-geesood ah oo keliya waa qalad. Aqoonsigu wuxuu ku dhacay dhul horeyba uga buuxay loollan dekedo, marin-badeed, iyo juqraafi-siyaasadda marinka Badda Cas. Heshiiskii is-afgarad ee Itoobiya-Somaliland ee horraantii 2024 – oo ku dhisnaa marin-badeed iyo aqoonsi la malaynayo – ayaa horey u kiciyay xiisadda deriska oo dhan. Sidaas darteed, 2025 wuxuu ku dhammaaday Geesku isagoo mar kale maqlaya su’aashii hore, balse hees cusub ku jirta: yaa noqda qaran, yaa la aqoonsadaa, yaase lagu khasbaa inuu ku noolaado naxwaha “wali ma ahan”.

Tani waa sababta dhammaadka 2025 uu u dareemayo murugo. Ma aha in gobolku ka madhan yahay karti ama adkaysi – labadaba waa ku badan yihiin – balse waa in tamar siyaasadeed oo badan lagu bixinayo badbaado ku salaysan muran, halkii ay ka ahaan lahayd badbaado nafaqaynaysa nolosha.

Haddaba, marka la is weydiiyo in qaran-dawlado “baaba’i karaan”, Geesku wuxuu bixiyaa jawaab feejignaan leh. Baaba’a siyaasadeed marar dhif ah ayuu u ekaadaa burbur hal-mar ah. Badanaa wuxuu u egyahay qayladii ugu dambeysay ee shimbirta Kauaʻi ʻōʻō: waqti dheer oo sii khafiifaya, sharciyaddu ka dhammaanayso, xuduuduhuna noqdaan qalab gorgortan, halka nolosha caadiga ah lagu raro culays ay ahayd in maamulku qaado.

Haddii heestaas ugu dambeysa ay taabatay bini-aadamnimadaada, ha ku sii fiiqdo dhegaysigaaga 2026. Geeska, digniintu ma aha in wax walba baaba’ayaan – balse waa in qaybo ka mid ah dunideenna wadaagga ah laga dhigi karo kuwo aan la noolaan karin iyada oo loo marayo kun go’aan oo mid walba isu sheegaya inuu yahay “macquul”, ilaa maalin aan ogaanno inaan dhageysaneyno duubis, annagoo is weydiinayna goortii codkii nool istaagay. Waxaa halkan loo adeegsaday dhawaaqa murugada leh ee heestii ugu dambeysay ee shimbirta Kauaʻi ʻōʻō sida astaan waxa baabi’i kara haddii aanan dhegaysan qaylada nagu xeeran. Haddii codkaasi kugu dhalisay xiise oo taabatay bini-aadamnimadaada, halkan ka hel wax badan oo ku saabsan sheekadaas. Daawo oo dhageyso halkan, iyo halkan.

MI’s 5 Minutes of Fame waxay ku soo laaban doontaa 2026. La soco 52 kale oo xog leh, inta badan waxbarasho ah, mararka qaarna madadaalo leh. Hoos ka daawo muuqaalka.

Qoraal xiiso leh oo ka yimid keydka – wax badan ayaana ku soo socda qoraal ballaaran oo ku saabsan xiisahayga Jabaan ee 15-kii sano ee la soo dhaafay.

Khudbaddii ugu fiicnayd ee aan maqlay 2025: Ra’iisul Wasaare Anwar Ibrahim oo ka jeediyay Addis Ababa.

Marka sanadka cusub billowdo, ha ka guuro Geeska Afrika adkaysi una gudbo cusboonaysiin, nabaddu ha sii xoogaysato, hay’aduhuna ha yeeshaan kalsooni sii kordheysa, adkaysiga nolol-maalmeedka dadkuna ha la kulmo xikmad siyaasadeed, iskaashi goboleed, iyo mustaqbal ay suurtagalnimadu ka badan tahay qalalaase. Sannad cusub oo wanaagsan.

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Tixraacyada Substack ee 2025 (lagu dari doono cag-hoosaadyo)
[Liiska tixraacyada sida ay yihiin ayaa lagu dari doonaa cag-hoosaadyo.]

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Xallinta jahawareerka doorashooyinka Soomaaliya

Week 51 of MI’s 5 Minutes of Fame
Toddobaadka 51-aad ee MI’s 5 Minutes of Fame wuxuu ku furmayaa ereyo bogaadin ah, ka hor inta aan loo gudbin jawiga adag ee siyaasadda iyo doorashooyinka Soomaaliya. Waxaa muhiim ah in si cad loo aqoonsado shaqada tusaalaha ah ee Danjiraha Soomaaliya u fadhiya Shiinaha, kaas oo door muuqda ka qaatay xoojinta xiriirka diblomaasiyadeed iyo kobcinta iskaashiga dhaqaale ee u dhexeeya Muqdisho iyo Beijing. Iyadoo loo marayo wadahadallo joogto ah, xiriir hay’adeed, iyo muuqaallo istiraatiiji ah, Safaaraddu waxay si wax ku ool ah uga qayb qaadatay dib-u-meeleynta Soomaaliya inay noqoto lamaane lagu kalsoonaan karo oo ka tirsan siyaasadda arrimaha dibadda iyo nidaamka ganacsi ee Shiinaha. Xilli ay Soomaaliya u baahan tahay joogteyn iyo xirfadnimo heer caalami ah, dadaalladan diblomaasiyadeed waxay mudan yihiin in la aqoonsado, labadaba guul wax ku ool ah iyo xusuusin muujinaysa waxa dawladnimo nidaamsan ay keeni karto marka si dhab ah oo ujeeddo leh loo fuliyo.

Sida lagu xusay muuqaalka hordhaca ah ee la socda qoraalkan Substack-ga ah, waxaan halkan la wadaagayaa duubista oo dhan si akhristayaasha doonaya ay u daawadaan si buuxda:

Intaa ka sokow nuxurkiisa tooska ah, muuqaalku wuxuu sidoo kale muujinayaa qiimaha diblomaasiyadda dadweynaha ee firfircoon—isdhexgal cad iyo ka dhigidda hawlaha diblomaasiyadeed kuwo muuqda muwaadiniinta iyo saaxiibada caalamiga ahba. Rajadaydu waa in safaaradaha kale ee Soomaaliya ay qaataan habab la mid ah oo hufan, furan, isla markaana u janjeera bulshada, taas oo xoojinaysa isku-duwidda matalaadda dibadda ee Soomaaliya iyo kalsoonida dadweynaha ee dadaallada diblomaasiyadeed ee dowladda.

Marka laga eego aragti ballaaran oo siyaasad-dejineed, waxaan soo dhoweyn lahaa dib-u-habeyn lagu sameeyo jihada siyaasadda arrimaha dibadda ee Soomaaliya si ay ugu jeedsato dalal horumaraya, wax ku ool ah, isla markaana si degdeg ah u kobcaya sida Shiinaha iyo Kuuriyada Koonfureed, iyo sidoo kale wadamada Aasiya-Baasiifik. Isbeddelkan wuxuu ka tarjumayaa diblomaasiyad mustaqbal-u-jeed ah oo ku saleysan isbeddel dhaqaale, barasho tiknoolajiyeed, iyo iskaashi horumarineed, halkii ay ka ahaan lahayd ku tiirsanaan gaar ah oo ku wajahan xiriirro taariikhi ah oo hore.

Horumar-wiiqid

Marka laga soo wareego saaxadda caalamiga ah loona gudbo tan gudaha, is-dhexgalka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya wuxuu muujinayaa xiisado iyo is-khilaafyo sii xoogeysanaya inta lagu jiro habka doorashada. Marka laga eego aragti maamul-wacan, dhaqanka laba dowlad-goboleed oo Soomaaliyeed wuxuu ahaa mid aan wax tar lahayn, isagoo sii kordhiyay mugdiga iyo jahwareerka geeddi-socod doorasho oo durba jilicsan. Halkii ay ka kaalin qaadan lahaayeen dhismaha hay’adaha, ficilladoodu waxay sii xoojiyeen kala-qaybsanaanta, daciifiyeen isku-duwidda, isla markaana wiiqeen kalsoonida dadweynaha ee hufnaanta doorashooyinka xilli xasaasi ah.

Dhinaca kale, inkasta oo ay jireen cillado si wanaagsan loo diiwaangeliyay, Dowladda Federaalka ee Soomaaliya waxay sameysay dadaal dhab ah—inkastoo uu ahaa mid kharash siyaasadeed leh—si loo hirgeliyo mabda’a hal qof, hal cod loona soo celiyo sharciyadda doorashada iyo lahaanshaha muwaadiniinta ee geeddi-socodka siyaasadeed. Tallaabadani waxay ahayd ka-bixitaan lama huraan ah, inkastoo uusan dhammaystirneyn, oo laga guurayo nidaamyo ay hormuud ka yihiin heshiisyo kooxeed oo muddo dheer qalloociyay matalaadda. Dhammaan dowlad-goboleedyadu waa inay si buuxda u taageeraan ajandahan isbeddel-doonka ah. Is-hortaagga joogtada ahi ma aha oo keliya mid dib u dhigaya caadiyeynta dimuqraadiyadda, balse sidoo kale adkaynaya mugdiga iyo gorgortanka elit-yada ee weli wiiqaya dhismaha dowladnimada Soomaaliya.

 Daadinta gargaarka ee aan la aqbali karin—waa la fashilay

Marka laga soo wareego siyaasadda loona gudbo dhaqaalaha siyaasadeed, Soomaali badan ayaa ka niyad jabay maqaal dhawaan uu qoray Guddoomiyaha Bangiga Dhexe ee Soomaaliya kuna daabacay The Banker, kaas oo faahfaahinaya sida tobannaan milyan oo doollar oo gargaar horumarineed iyo bani’aadannimo ah ay sannad walba ugu lunto kharashaadka bangiyada dhexeeya, marinno dhexdhexaad ah, dib-u-dhacyo, iyo wareejinno ku saleysan shuruuc u hoggaansanaan. Sida uu Guddoomiyuhu ku doodayo, daadinta lacagtani ma aha keliya wax-qabad la’aan farsamo, balse waa cadaalad-darro qaab-dhismeed ah. Dal dakhligiisu hooseeyo oo colaado ka soo kabanaya sida Soomaaliya, halkaas oo doollar kasta oo gargaar ahi u noqon karo dugsiyo, xarumo caafimaad, mushahaaro, ama kaabayaal aasaasi ah, khasaarahan waa mid aan la difaaci karin kana dalbanaya dib-u-habeyn degdeg ah oo lagu sameeyo nidaamyada lacag-wareejinta caalamiga ah.

Sidaan hore ugu adkeeyay muuqaalka hordhaca ah, arrintani waxay mudan tahay feejignaan cilmiyeed iyo mid dadweyne oo ka weyn inta ay ilaa hadda heshay. Baaxadda khasaaraha ka dhasha caqabadaha bangiyada dhexe ma aha dhibaato farsamo oo yar, balse waa daadinta qaab-dhismeed ee dhaqaale jilicsan oo ku tiirsan doollar kasta oo taageero dibadeed ah. Sidaa darteed, waxaan qorsheynayaa inaan dhowaan u hibeeyo qoraal gaar ah oo faahfaahsan, kaas oo falanqeynaya sababaha hay’adeed, qiyaasaya khasaaraha fursadeed, isla markaana soo bandhigaya dariiqooyin siyaasadeed oo lagu ilaalin karo qulqulka gargaarka iyo kheyraadka qaranka.

Adkaysiga Qurbe-joogta oo la imtixaamayo

Soomaalida ku nool Maraykanka, iyo sidoo kale bulshooyinka martida loo yahay ee kale, waxay wajahayaan waqti ay sare u kacday cadaadis bulsho iyo mid siyaasadeed. Waa muhiim in si cad loo sheego, iyada oo aan is-difaacid loo gelin, in qurbo-joogta Soomaaliyeed ay guud ahaan yihiin dad shaqo-badan, sharciga u hoggaansan, kana qayb qaata nolosha bulshada, iyagoo wax ku biiriya dhaqaalaha iyo bulshooyinka ay ku nool yihiin. Sida bulsho kasta oo kale, tiro aad u yar ayaa laga yaabaa inay ka gaabiso heerarkan; balse arrimahaas ma matalaan guud ahaan bulshada mana qarinayaan diiwaanka ballaaran ee dadaal iyo hammi. Si wax ku ool ah loo wajaho caqabadahan, waxaa loo baahan yahay hoggaan bulsho oo cusboonaysiisan: wacyigelin joogto ah, xoog saarid waxbarashada iyo horumarinta xirfadaha, iyo muujinta qiimaha wax-soo-saarka, u hoggaansanaanta sharciga, iyo ka-qaybgalka muwaadinnimo. Xoojinta qiyamkaas waxay ka dhigi kartaa waqtiyada adag fursado lagu adkeeyo is-dhexgalka, muwaadinnimada, iyo kalsoonida labada dhinac ee bulshooyinka ay Soomaalidu ku dhex nool yihiin.

 Wax-ku-biirin cilmiyeed oo socda

Ugu dambayn, anigoo eegaya mustaqbalka, waxaan ku faraxsanahay inaan la wadaago in aniga iyo asxaabteyda—Ahmed Nur oo jooga Melbourne iyo Hussein Mohamed oo jooga UK—aan ku dhow nahay daabacaadda laba mashruuc buug oo is-dhammeystiraya kuna saabsan Soomaaliya, kuwaas oo diiradda saaraya maaliyadda iyo diblomaasiyadda. Shaqooyinkan waxaa loo dejiyay inay noqdaan wax-ku-biirin cilmiyeed oo adag isla markaana la fahmi karo, kuna saleysan falanqeyn xog-eed iyo milicsi taariikheed. Rajadayadu waa in ay kobciyaan aqoonta Soomaaliyeed ee jirta, isla markaana ay wargeliyaan siyaasad-dejiyeyaasha, khubarada, iyo dadweynaha ballaaran ee daneeya siyaasadda dhaqaalaha iyo xiriirrada dibadda ee Soomaaliya. Eeg tan.

https://www.youtube.com/shorts/JURyHGUHqk0?feature=share

Dib u milicsi, hore u socod

Gabagabadii, waxaan ku dhiirrigelinayaa akhristayaasha inay la falgalaan qoraalka gaarka ah ee soo socda, kaas oo falanqeynaya hadallada Guddoomiyaha Bangiga Dhexe ee Soomaaliya ee ku saabsan khasaaraha malaayiinta doollar ee ka dhasha xaddidaadaha bangiyada dhexe iyo marinno dhexdhexaad ah—arrin leh saameyn qoto dheer oo ku saabsan madaxbannaanida maaliyadeed, wax-ku-oolnimada gargaarka, iyo horumarka qaranka.

Iyadoo taxanahan uu ku soo dhowaanayo gabagabadiisa, waxaan sidoo kale ku boorinayaa akhristayaasha inay la socdaan daabacaadda ugu dambeysa ee MI’s 5 Minutes of Fame, oo ku dhisan mowduuca dib u eegis iyo horay u socod—qiimeyn milicsi ah oo ku saabsan 2025 iyo aragti mustaqbal-u-jeed ah oo ku wajahan 2026. Waa fursad lagu qiimeeyo casharrada laga bartay, lagu aqoonsado horumarka la gaaray halka uu jiro, isla markaana lagu dejiyo mudnaanta dowladnimo ka masuul ah, adkaysi leh, una diyaarsan mustaqbalka.

Faallooyin iyo talooyin waa la soo dhaweynayaa sida caadiga ah.

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Why Does Australian Media Largely Ignore Africa?

My weekly news diet leaves me under-informed about Africa—Australian headlines repeatedly centre domestic politics and markets, while African affairs surface only sporadically and too often through sport rather than substantive reporting.

I write with disappointment at the minimal visibility of African affairs in the Australian newspapers I read weekly (online)—The Australian, the Australian Financial Review (AFR), and The Age—particularly when compared with other major News outlets in the Asia Pacific over the same period.

During the observed week (approximately 6–14 December 2025), publicly indexable material shows that The Australian carried around 4–5 Africa-related items, split between geopolitics (e.g. Sudan, South Africa, West Africa) and sport. AFR, despite maintaining a dedicated Africa section, yielded no verifiable, date-specific Africa articles accessible through public indexing in that period for writing this post. For The Age, Africa-related coverage could not be reliably identified at all due to paywall and indexing restrictions, which effectively render its international editorial priorities opaque to external scrutiny. However, I would like to point that all these newspapers can be accessed digitally as well as in paper format via public libraries. The State library is also a good resource.

By contrast, New Zealand within the same week, I read at least 2–3 clearly Africa-focused world-news stories, covering political events and global health and development finance. I think the New Zealand Herald alone seem to do a better coverage than almost all the Australian newspapers put together.

Two structural patterns are evident. First, paywall and access restrictions in Australian newspapers significantly limit transparency and comparative accountability. Second, where Africa does appear, coverage is disproportionately sport-mediated, particularly through South Africa, rather than through sustained political, economic, or social analysis. Sport dominates visibility, while substantive engagement remains scarce.

The issue, therefore, is not simply one of article counts, but of editorial framing and proportionality. New Zealand, Malayisa, China and Japan appear more willing to normalise Africa as part of the global present. Australian newspapers, by contrast, continue to marginalise the continent and despite Africa’s population of over 1.4 billion people and its growing geopolitical, economic, and diaspora relevance to Australia itself.

Here is a brief overview of the Australian newspapers I read this week in summary:

First, economic pressure is foregrounded. Recurrent references to cost-of-living, wages, inflation, productivity, and fiscal restraint suggest a media environment responding to sustained public unease rather than episodic shocks. The repetition of similar economic framings across outlets indicates agenda convergence rather than pluralism, different mastheads, broadly the same macro-narrative.

Second, political leadership is framed defensively rather than aspirationally. Prime ministerial coverage appears reactive focused on containment, explanation, or damage control rather than policy imagination. This reflects a mature but fatigued democratic cycle, where governance is narrated through crisis management rather than long-term vision.

Third, there is a compression of global and domestic concerns. International conflicts, geopolitical instability, and foreign policy tensions sit alongside local scandals and national debates, implying that the boundary between “foreign” and “domestic” news has effectively collapsed. Australia is portrayed not as an observer of global disorder, but as entangled within it.

Taken together, I read about an Australian society negotiating uncertainty, institutions under scrutiny, and a press attempting to remain authoritative amid structural change.

Across the Pacific, Africa is typically covered instrumentally through geopolitics, trade, security, and summit diplomacyrather than as a sustained, everyday news beat. China institutionalises Africa coverage through state-media pipelines; Japan’s attention concentrates around strategic diplomacy and political economy; and Malaysia and Singapore tend to surface Africa when it intersects with bilateral initiatives, investment, or elite travel and commercial narratives.

This makes the Australasia contrast harder to ignore. New Zealand (≈5.3 million people) is markedly smaller than Australia (≈27.5 million), and also further from major African hubs—Auckland–Johannesburg is roughly 7,575 miles, versus Sydney–Johannesburg at roughly 6,862 miles—yet New Zealand’s major public outlet(s) appear to give Africa more routine visibility than Australian newspapers. The pattern is compounded by two structural distortions: paywall/indexing opacity that limits accountability and comparability, and a persistent tendency for Africa to register primarily through sport, especially South Africa, rather than substantive political, economic, and social reporting.

New Zealand Sunday Star-Times, 14th Dec. 2025, p. 29

New Zealand Sunday Star-Times, 14th Dec. 2025, p.31
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Sharciga runta ah mise kan tuhunka

Golaha Doha Forum 2025 ayaa isugu yimid 6–7 Diseembar iyadoo hal-ku-dheggiisu ahaa “Caddaalad Ficil ku Jirta: Ka Gudub Ballanqaadyo una Gudub Horumar,” waxaana si cad loo hormariyey caddaaladda, isla-xisaabtanka, iyo xukunka sharciga (rule of law) sidii dawooyin looga hortagayo dunida u sii siibanaysa fawdo akhlaaqeed iyo mid juqraafi-siyaasadeed. Isla ruuxdaas awgeed, MI’s 5 Minutes of Fame toddobaadkan waxay dib ugu laabanaysaa anshax aan marar badan ka tagno marka shucuurtu kacdo: xaqiiqda hubi ka hor intaadan falcelin. Sababtu waa mid cad—tani waa tusaale casri ah oo ka mid ah “caddaalad ka baxsan ballanqaadyo.” Sidaas ayay erayada xukunka sharcigu u burburaan marka xaqiiqooyinku fashilmaan, dadweynihuna kiciyaan. Marka koox dad ahi go’aansato inay hore u “ogaadeen,” caddayntu qiime yeelan mayso, dadkuna waxay bilaabaan inay xanta ku bixiyaan dhiig… nasiib-darro, taasina waxay u muuqataa wixii ka dhacay Boorama.

Haddaba, maxay arrintani ahayd? Waxii Boorama ka dhacay, si fudud haddii loo dhigo, waxay u egyihiin sidan: xiisado maxalli ah ayaa la sheegay inay kaceen kaddib dhacdo la xiriirtay Xeer Ciise—dhaqan-sharciyeed afka ah oo ay leeyihiin bulshooyinka Somali-Ciise—kaas oo UNESCO ku dartay Liiska Dhaxalka Dhaqan-ee Aan La Taaban Karin (Intangible Cultural Heritage) sannadkii 2024. Calaamadda iyo miisaanka aqoonsigaas ayaa la mooday inay isku dhacday su’aalo aad u kacsan oo ku saabsan aqoonsi, xukun iyo awood (jurisdiction), iyo matalaad. Xilligaas kulul, waxii noqon lahaa muran ku kooban macne iyo sharciyad ayaa la sheegay inay isu beddeleen isu-soo-baxyo iyo isku-dhacyo rabshado wata, iyadoo “buug” ama astaan dhaqan loo arkay wax lagu burburiyo, halkii laga dhigi lahaa wax laga dooddo. Taasina waa sababta Boorama ay inoo taabanayso oo ay inoo gilgileyso.

Haddaba, mabda’a deggan waa kan: fikradaha waa in lagu tartamaa—si nabad ah. Buug wuu ku dhibi karaa. Muxaadaro wuu ku xanaajin karaa. Fikradduna waxay halis gelin kartaa aragtidaada nolosha. Taasi ma aha masiibo; waa ilbaxnimo. Ujeeddada nolosha guud waa inaan doodno, ka jawaabno, qorno aragtiyo ka duwan, oo aan maskaxdeenna ku adkayno doodaha kale. Waxa aan marnaba dhicin karin—wax aan bulsho noolaan karin muddo dheer—waa in khilaaf fikir loo rogo rabshad.

Haddii aad aaminsan tahay buuggu inuu qaldan yahay, qor mid ka wanaagsan. Haddii aad u aragto fikraddu inay khatar tahay, si furan uga dood. Haddii aad u aragto dhacdo inay ixtiraam darro tahay, samee bannaanbax sharci ah. Laakiin haddii jawaabta hadalku noqoto dhaawac, gubasho, iyo dhimasho, markaas “qiyam” ma aanan difaacin—waxaan kaliya ku dhawaaqnay inaanan nafteena maamuli karin.

Halkaas ayaa musiibadu ka sii qoto dheer tahay: marka rabshaddu dhacdo, mar walba waxay isu ekaysiisaa wax “akhlaaq” ah. Laakiin natiijadu had iyo jeer waa isku mid: murugo, isbitaallo buuxa, hanti burburtay, iyo kala-fogaansho sii ballaaran oo u dhexeeya muwaadin iyo hay’ad dawli ah.

Hadda fikirkaas ku cabbir waxa Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya ka sheegay Doha Forum.

Doha, Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud wuxuu soo bandhigay sheeko dawlad-dhisid oo la yaqaan balse aad u hammi badan: in Soomaaliya dib u dhisayso hay’ado, dhamaystirayso qaab-dhismeedkeeda dastuuriga ah, isla markaana ballaarinayso xukunka sharciga kaddib tobannaan sano oo burbur ah. Wuxuu u hadlay sidii sharcigu si tartiib ah oo ula kac ah u soo noqonayo, sidii dawladuna dib u hananayso kelitalisnimada awoodda—ma aha oo kaliya xoogga, balse sidoo kale sharciyadda (legitimacy).

Qayb ahaan waan ku raacsanahay, waana sheeko xooggan—gaar ahaan dibadda. Madalaha caalamiga ahi waxay abaalmariyaan isku-xirnaan: ballanqaadka dhamaystirka dastuurka, ciidamo amni oo xirfad leh, caddaalad la saadaalin karo, iyo qorshayaal qaran oo taageero deeq-bixiyeyaal la jaanqaadaya. Waa luqadda maamul-casriyeedka.

Laakiin caddeynta gudaha—xaqiiqada dhulka—weli waa kala-duwan tahay oo aan sinnayn.

Mashruuca sharciga Soomaaliya weli wuxuu la tacaalayaa xaqiiqooyin adag: xukumo la isku haysto, amni kala daadsan, awood fulineed oo daciif ah, iyo dadweyne marar badan u arka dawladnimada ma aha caddaalad la saadaalin karo, balse awood aan joogto ahayn. Xitaa marka niyaddu daacad tahay, xukunka sharcigu ma aha khudbad; waa nolol maamul oo maalinle ah: boolis aan eex lahayn, xakameyn rabshad-ka-hortag leh, baaritaanno lagu kalsoonaan karo, maxkamado shaqeeya, iyo ciqaab ku dhacda xadgudubka.

Halkaas ayay Boorama uga baxaysaa “dhacdo” oo keliya. Waxay noqotaa kormeer (audit)—imtixaan ku saabsan waxa aan ula jeedno “sharciga.” Boorama waxay tusaysaa sababta khilaafka maskaxeed uu ugu baahan yahay inuu ku ekaado caddayn, dood, iyo xakameyn. Kiiska Boorama—oo ka dhacay Somaliland—wuxuu muujinayaa in qaababka sharci ee “lagu faafiyo” aysan si fudud uga iman karin Mogadishu oo keliya; balse lagu gorgortamo, lagu heshiiyo, laguna xaqiijiyo xarumo badan oo awood iyo sharciyad sheeganaya. Sababtoo ah macnaha Somaliyeed—ha ahaado federaal, maamul goboleed, ama dawladnimo de facto—sharciga laguma cabbiro tirada “qaab-dhismeedyo” la shaaciyo. Waxaa lagu cabbiraa: ma kalsoonaan karaan dadku xalinta khilaafka si ay uga fogaadaan rabshad? ma maareyn karaan hay’aduhu cadho dadweyne iyagoon kicin? ma aaminsan yihiin muwaadiniintu in haddii la dhibaateeyo, nidaamku keeni doono run, isla-xisaabtan, iyo gacan-qabasho?

Boorama waxay tijaabinaysaa in nidaamyada siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliyeed—federaal, gobol, ama de facto—ay maareyn karaan khilaaf iyagoon sii hurin; in xalinta khilaafku kalsooni ku filan leedahay si ay cadhada uga ilaaliso waddooyinka; iyo in muwaadiniintu rumaysan yihiin in haddii la waxyeelleeyo, nidaamku keeni doono run, isla-xisaabtan, iyo dawo. Bulsho leh madax-bannaani kala jajaban iyo xarumo awood oo badan, sharciyaddu kama bixi karto hal caasimad oo keliya; waa in si maxalli ah loo gorgortamaa, loo hay’adeeyaa, loona dhisaa kalsooni.

Sidaas awgeed dooddaydu waa mid fudud, laakiin laba dhinac bay u goysaa.

Dhallinyarada: xaqiiqda hubi ka hor intaadan holcin. Ha u oggolaan baraha bulshada inay kaa dhigaan hub ajende kale. Ha ka dhigin “waxaa la yiri” ruqsad aad ku burburiso waddooyinkaaga. Haddii aadan hubin xaqiiqooyinka: hakad, weydii, baadh, dhageyso—dabadeed u dhaqaaq si nabad ah.

Dawladda (xilli iyo goob kasta oo Somaliyeed): sharcigu waa xakameyn, ma aha hadal. Haddii mashruucu dhab ahaantii yahay in xukunka sharciga la fidiyo, waa inuu ka bilowdaa inuu caddeeyo in sharcigu marka hore qabanayo kuwa awoodda leh—iyadoo loo marayo daah-furnaan, isla-xisaabtan, iyo nidaam caddaaladeed oo ay dadku ka baqaan ka yar fawdada waddooyinka.

Boorama waxay inoo xasuusinaysaa: buugaagtu dadka way ka careysiin karaan, fikraduhuna bulsho way kala qaybin karaan. Taasi waa caadi. Waxa aan marnaba caadi noqon karin waa in cadhadaas loo oggolaado inay isu beddesho rabshad. Haddii Soomaaliya noqoneyso dal sharcigu xukumo, guusha koowaad ma aha inaad dood ku guulaysato; waa inaad dhisto bulsho dooduhu ka dhici karaan si qaylo leh, si shucuuri leh, xitaa si dhaawac u leh—iyadoo aan qofna u dhiman.

Boorama waxay sidoo kale baraysaa cashar adag oo ku saabsan isku-jirnaanta nidaamyada sharciga (legal pluralism): nolosha Soomaaliyeed sharcigu ma aha xeer keliya oo hal meel laga maamulo. Waa isku-dhaf—xeer, diin, iyo sharci dowladeed—oo la shaqeeya xukumo siyaasadeed oo la isku haysto. Marka lakabyadan si liidata loo isku dubbarido, fal dhaqan wuxuu u muuqan karaa kicin sharci ama siyaasad, khilaafkuna wuxuu u kici karaa si ka degdeg badan inta hay’aduhu qaadi karaan. Sidaas awgeed, xeer ma aha lidka xukunka sharciga; waa qayb ka mid ah nidaamka dadku dhab ahaantii u hogaansamaan, sharciyadduna marar badan waxaa ka gorgortama odayaal iyo cuqaal xitaa marka dawladdu joogto.

Postscript (akhris asal ahaan oo keliya): Anigoo ah arday heer-qalinjabineed ka soo baxay Jaamacadda Melbourne, Deakin, iyo Swinburne—halkaas oo aan ka bartay sharciga caalamiga ah, waxbarashada, iyo ganacsiga—iyo sannadihii igu bislaaday anigoo ah alum ku faana Jaamacadda Monash, marar badan waxaan ku noqdaa hal-ku-dhegga rasmiga ah ee Monash, Ancora imparo (“Weli waan baranayaa”), si aan u muujiyo is-hoosaysiin aqooneed, ee aanan u noqonin taageero ama diidmo buug ama fikrad gaar ah… iyadoo taas maskaxda lagu hayo, fadlan eeg halkan, halkan, iyo halkan, halkaas, iyo halkaas, iyo meel kasta.

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Maxay la aamuseen haweenka Somalida?

Haweenka Soomaaliyeed, Dhisidda Dowladnimada iyo Siyaasadda Aamusnaanta

    Haa, waan ogahay in haweenka Soomaaliyeed ay iyagu is difaaci karaan, kana hadli karaan mowqifkooda si ka fiican aniga ama cid kale. Maqaalkani ma aha isku day aan ku hadlo afkooda, ee waa iskuday aan ku magac-dhabo dhibaato si qoto dheer ugu dhex jirta habka dowladnimada Soomaaliyeed dib loogu dhisayo.

    Inta badan doodaha hadda ka socda ee ku saabsan mustaqbalka Soomaaliya waxaan ku soo bandhigay qaab hay’ado ah: e-visa-yo iyo aqoonsiyo dijitaal ah, nidaaminta lacagta mobilka, isbahaysiyo shisheeye, iyo dib-u-habaynta dastuurka. Su’aasha hoose ee la isweydiinayo waa: dowlad noocee ah ayey Soomaaliya isku dayaysaa inay dhisto? Laakiin ka horreysa su’aashaas waxaa jira mid kale oo aasaasi ah oo aan si dhab ah loo weydiin: yaa xaq u leh in afkiisa lagu jawaabo su’aashaas?

    Meel Walba waa Lagu Arkaa, Laakiin Dhawaaqooda Meel Yar baa laga Maqlaa

    Gudaha siyaasadda, jaamacadaha iyo hay’adaha diinta, haweenka Soomaaliyeed waa laf-dhabarta badbaadada bulshada. Iyagaa reeraha dhaqaaleeya, xawaaladaha maamula, suuqyada ganacsiga ku dul taagan, wax bara, abaabula, khilaafaadka deegaannada dhex mara dhexdhexaadiya, una haya bulshooyinka nidaam gargaar oo aan rasmi ahayn.

    Laakiin marka awoodda la rasmiyeynayo – baarlamaan, golayaal jaamacadeed, goleyaal masaajid, guddiyaal rasmi ah – codka haweenku waxa uu noqdaa mid la sifeeyo, yar lagu reebo, ama kaliya lagu dul-toleray kaddibna hareeraha looga xaddido. Tani ma aha caado dhaqan oo ku meel gaar ah ama natiijo kaliya ka dhalatay colaadaha. Waxay isu beddeshay farsamo maamul: hab lagu go’aamiyo codkee “sharci” ah marka la qoondeynayo mustaqbalka jamhuuriyadda.

    Siyaasadda: Waa la Tiriyo, Laakiin Looguma Oggola Inay Tirsadaan

    Hannaankii doorashada ee 2016 wuxuu soo saaray ku dhowaad rubuc (¼) xildhibaanno dumar ah – taas oo ku cusub heer Soomaali. Ballanqaadkii ku saabsanaa 30% qoondo haween ah ka hor doorashooyinkii 2021–22 wuxuu warqad ahaan u ekaa horumar. Laakiin fashilkii ballanqaadkaas wuxuu wax ka sheegay nidaamka in ka badan intii balanqaadku ka sheegay.

    Wuxuu muujiyey sida nidaamka siyaasadeed uu u qaadan karo ereyga sinnaanta jinsiga isaga oo si taxaddar leh u ilaalinaya gacanta ragga.

    Saddex farsamadood ayaa laf-dhabar u ah nidaamkan:

    Kuraasta qabiilka oo loo arko hanti rag leh: Kuraasta baarlamaanka waxa lagu qaybiyaa qaacidooyin qabiil iyo hannaan dadban. Odayaal iyo maalqabeenno rag ah ayaa go’aamiya cidda “u mataleysa”. Haweeney doonaysa xil waa inay qancisaa rag ka tanaasula “hanti” naadir ah oo suuqa qandaraasyada siyaasadda ay raggu ku amar-ku-taaglaystaan. Matalaaddu waxay isu beddeshay dhaxal rag leh; haweenku waxay galaan kaliya marka laga dhigo ka-reeb gaar ah oo la gorgortamay.

    Astaan uun iyo matalaad dadban: Markay haweenku kuraas helaan, badanaa waxaa la filayaa inay noqdaan wakiillo aan rasmi ahayn oo rag ehel ah, lammaane ganacsi ama deeq-bixiyeyaal ka dambeyso. Wajiga haweeney ayaa ka muuqan kara baarlamaanka, halka nin uu qoro khudbadaha, go’aamiyo sida loo codeeyo, isla markaana doodo ka galo heshiisyada. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay arkaan haween muuqda; awooddii dhabta ahayd meel kale ayay taallaa.

    Cabsi gelin iyo anshax-sheegid akhlaaqeed: Haweenka isku dayaya inay yeeshaan karti siyaasadeed oo madax-bannaan waxay la kulmaan hanjabaad, ol’ole sumcad dil ah iyo eedeymo ah kibir, anshax xumo ama “feminism reer galbeed”. Ereyada diinta ayaa si xul ah loo adeegsadaa – ma aha in lagu xakameeyo dhaqanka musuqmaasuqa ah ee ragga, ee in lagu edbiyo ka-qaybgalka haweenka laftigiisa.

    Natiijadu waa nidaam siyaasadeed oo haweenka ku filan yihiin in ay xarrago u noqdaan wejiga dimoqraadiyadda, balse si dhisme ah looga xannibay in ay aasaaska nidaamka wax ka beddelaan.

    Jaamacadaha: Fasallada way ka Buuxaan, Go’aamada way ka Maqan yihiin

    Jaamacaduhu waxay bixiyaan goob ka duwan tan siyaasadda, laakiin qaabkii uusan aad uga fogeyn. Haweenku aad bay uga muuqdaan sidii arday iyo sidii bareyaal hoose. Laakiin marka aad kor ugu sii fiirsato – madaxda kulliyadaha, deeq-yaqaannada, guddoomiyeyaasha jaamacadaha, iyo golayaasha maamul – muuqaalka haweenku aad buu u yaraadaa. Aamusnaantu halkan waa mid “xarrago leh”, habraacyo ah, si fududna loo inkiri karo:

    Guddi shaqaaleyn iyo dallacsiin oo rag u badan: Guddiyada qaabilsan magacaabista iyo dallacsiinta jagooyinka sare inta badan waa rag. Hoggaamintu waxaa lagu cabbiraa erayo ragganimo lagu tilmaamo – “guddoomiye adag”, “dean adag” – halka haweenka laga soo saaro iyada oo loo daliishanayo masuuliyadaha qoyska ama tuhun ah inaysan “cadaadis u adkeysan karin”.

    Awoodda aqooneed oo rag keli ku yihiin: Shirarka cilmiyeed, golayaasha tifaftirka joornaalada, miisaska siyaasadda iyo guddiyada manhajyada inta badan rag ayaa ka talinaya. Xataa marka la joogo meelaha dumarku ka bataan – sida tarbiyadda ama kalkaalinta – ragga ayaa u badan in loo yeedho si ay “ugu hadlaan magaca xirfadda”. Haweenku inta badan iyagaa wax bara; ragga ayaa si xad-dhaaf ah u qeexa waxa loo aqoonsado “aqoon rasmi ah”.

    Tirtirid maalinle ah: Shirarka gudaheeda, haween badan ayaa ka warbixiya in hadalkooda la jaro, talooyinkooda la iska ag maro ilaa nin uu ku celiyo, dabadeedna loogu yeero kuwo “dhib badan” haddii ay ku adkaystaan habraac sax ah. Shabakadaha ragga u gaar ah – fadhi qaxwo, kooxo gaar ah oo WhatsApp ah – waxay go’aamada ka sii qaataan meelo ka baxsan qolalka rasmiga ah ee haweenku magac ahaan kaga jiraan.

    Jaamacaduhu sidaas ayey u tarmaan nidaam uu haweeneydu ku tahay arday iyo macallin dadaal badan, laakiin aan loo aqoonsan “naqshadeeye” aqooneed ama istaraatiijiyadeed – inkasta oo doodaha jaamacadeed ay wada qaabeeyaan doodaha ku saabsan sharci, dhaqaale, shareeco, amni iyo siyaasadda bulshada ee Soomaaliya.

    Awoodda Diinta: Erey Baanis ah iyo Ka Saarid Adduunyo

    Diintu waa goobta ugu xasaasisan, uguna daaha-qaadis badan. Nolosha Soomaaliyeed waxaa si qoto dheer u qaabeeya akhlaaqda iyo hay’adaha Islaamka. Haweenku waxay wax ka dhigaan dugsiyaal Qur’aan, masaajidyo ku xiran ayay ka shaqeeyaan, hay’ado samafal ayay maamulaan, majlisooyin suufiyeed ayay ka qayb galaan.

    Laakiin marka aan isweydiinno: yaa codkiisa lagu dhegeystaa marka Islaamka lagu fasirayo meel fagaare ah – yaa khudbadda Jimcaha akhriya, yaa fatwo bixiya, yaa ka hadla idaacadaha iyo telefishannada diinta? Jawaabtu waa: inta badan waa rag.

    Halkaas ayaa mar kale farsamooyin la yaqaan ka muuqdaan:

    Koontaroolka minbarrada iyo madalaha: Masaajidyada, idaacadaha iyo telefishannada diinta, golayaasha rasmiga ah iyo madrassada badan waxaa hoos yimaada shabakad rag ah. Su’aalaha haweenku waxay mariyaan dad dhexe oo rag ah; jawaabtu aad bay ugu yar tahay inay ka hortimaaddo haweeney magaceeda ku saxeexan tahay oo si guud loo arko.

    Fitno lagu xayiro: Baaqyada looga fogaanayo fitna (weedh lagu tilmaamo fidno, rabshad, ama kicitaan) waxaa loo adeegsadaa in lagu sharciyeeyo ka saaridda haweenka ee ka muuqashada goobaha diinta, xataa meelo ay turjumidda qadiimiga ahi oggoshahay ka badan inta hadda la oggol yahay. Waxaa la qaataa in codka haweenku marka uu muuqdo uu “dhibaato” abuurayo, halka codka raggana loo malaynayo mid dhexdhexaad ah oo “ammaan ah”.

    Hoos-u-qiimaynta haweenka culimada ah: Haweenka waqtigooda iyo noloshooda geliyay cilmiga diinta, una kacay heer aqooneed oo culimo ah, inta badan waxaa loogusoo celinayaa magacyo kale: “activist”, shaqaale NGO, ama “u doodaha xuquuqda haweenka”, halkii loo aqoonsan lahaa culimada diinta. Hadalkooda waxaa loo arkaa “hadal xuquuq” oo dibadda ka yimid, halkii loo tixgelin lahaa qayb ka mid ah turjumidda diinta ee gudaha.

    Dhibaatadu ma aha Islaamka laftiisa, ee waa in hay’adaha ku hadla magaca Islaamka ay u gacan galeen rag, iyo adeegsiga xulasho leh ee erayada diinta si haween loogu xiro albaabka turjumidda iyo fatwada.

    Qaab-dhismeedka Aamusnaanta

    Gudaha siyaasadda, jaamacadaha iyo diinta, hababku way kala duwan yihiin, laakiin caqligooda hooseer ee wadaaga ah waa isku mid.

    Qaab-dhismeedka qabiilka ee ragga u janjeedha: Qabiilku waa farsamada siyaasadeed ee aasaaska u ah jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed, waana mid qaab-dhismeedkeedu rag yahay. Odayaasha, suldaanada iyo “hogaamiyeyaasha dhaqan” waa rag asal ahaan. Is-fahamadoodu waxay go’aamiyaan kuraasta baarlamaanka, jagada sare ee jaamacadaha iyo xubnaha golayaasha diinta. Haweenka, maadaama ay guur ku kala guuraan qabiillo, waxaa loo arkaa kuwo dhinac-socod ah ama lagu tuhmo inaysan siyaasiyan “la isku hallayn karin”.

    Hooyonimo la sarreysiiyay oo xannibaad noqotay: Hadalqaadka Soomaaliyeed wuxuu ku maamuusaa haweeneyda sidii hooyo: hooyo nafteeda hurta, laf-dhabarka qoyska, geesiyad adkaysi leh. Laakiin ixtiraamkani wuxuu ku xiran yahay aamusnaan. Haweeneyda “la jeclaanayo” waa mid xoog u leh adkaysiga, ee aan xoog ugu lahayn doodda fagaare. Marka ay haweenka cod iyo ka-qaybgal dalbadaan halkii ay ka ahaan lahaayeen adeegayaal aamusan, erayadii maamuuska ahaa si dhaqso ah ayey ugu beddelmaan eedeymo xagga xishoodka iyo daacadnimada ah.

    Amni iyo siyaasadda “sumcad ilaalinta”: Dagaalladii iyo amni darradii soo jiitamaysay waxay abuureen cabsi dhab ah oo la xiriirta ammaanka jireed iyo sumcadda bulshada. Qoysas badan ayaa gabdhahooda uga digta kulamo habeen ah, safarro shaqo ama siyaasad adag “si loo ilaaliyo”. Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in haweenka lagu xaddido waqtiyo iyo goobo aan go’aamo waaweyn lagu gaarayn.

    Feminism NGO-ku xaddiday (donor-driven technocratic feminism): Deeq-bixiyeyaasha iyo hay’adaha caalamiga ahi waxay caadiyeeyeen ereyo sida “gender mainstreaming”, “tababar” iyo “dhiirrigelin haween”. Tani waxay keentay dhaqaale iyo furitaanno qaarkood, laakiin waxa kale oo ay dhalisay hal qaab oo cidla’ ah oo haweeney la aqbali karo loo sameeyo: mid magaalo ah, Ingiriisi ku hadasha, luuqadda NGO-yada si fiican u taqaan. Haweenka miyiga, barakacayaasha, haweenka suuqyada, reer guuraaga iyo kuwa guryaha ka shaqeeya marar yar bay ka soo muuqdaan isla doodahaas – inkastoo shaqadoodu tahay tiirka dhaqaalaha. Aamusnaantu waxay ka dhacdaa oo keliya rag iyo dumar dhexdooda ma aha; waxay ka dhex dhacdaa kooxaha haweenka laftooda.

    Dijitalayn cusub oo ku dhisan nidaam qabiil oo hore: Barnaamijyada cusub – e-visa, aqoonsiga dijitaalka ah, nidaaminta lacagta mobilka – badankood waxaa naqshadeeya mas’uuliyiin rag ah, lataliyeyaal iyo ganacsatada tiknoolajiyada. Haweenka waxaa looga muuqdaa mashruucyadan sidii “isticmaaleyaal” iyo “ka-faa’iideysteyaal”, ee maaha kuwo wada-naqshadeeya xeerarka maamulaya jirkooda, xogtooda iyo xorriyaddooda dhaqaale. Dowlad dijitaal ah ayaa lagu dhisayaa korka nidaam qabiil oo rag ah oo aan la beddelin.

    Natiijadu waa goob hadal oo haweenka la aqbalo inay joogaan, balse codkooda mar kasta la damiyo. Nus dalka ayaa ku hadlaya makarafoon uu qof kale gacanta ku hayo.

    Laga Soo Bilaabo Ka-qaybgal Favoorris ah ilaa Ka-qaybgal Aan Gorgortan Lahayn

    Haddii tani tahay qaab-dhismeedka, wax yar ka rogrogid geesaha kama filna. In dhowr haween ah lagu daro goleyaal, ama wasiir sumad ah oo keliya, ama siminaarro deeq-bixiye maalgeliyey ma beddeli karaan akustigga (dhagaxirnaanta codadka) ee nidaamka.

    Wax loo baahan yahay waa go’aan cad oo ah in codka haweenka Soomaaliyeed aanu ahayn deeq ama “ikhtiyaar wanaagsan”, ee uu yahay shardi aan laga hari karin oo dowladnimo iyo daacadnimo diineed. Ajende kooban oo toos ah waxa uu ka koobnaan lahaa ugu yaraan afar jiho oo ficil ah:

    Ka dhig matalaadda siyaasadeed ee haweenka mid la fulin karo, ee aan kaliya rajeyn ahayn

    • Ku xardhi qoondada 30% dastuurka iyo xeerarka doorashooyinka si sharci adag ah, adigoo ku lifaaqaya ciqaab cad oo ka dhan ah cid kasta oo aan u hoggaansamin – xisbiyo, qabiillo iyo hay’ado.
    • Jabso kali-talisnimada odayaasha ragga ee magacaabista musharraxiinta adigoo soo roga hannaan tartan furan oo hufan oo lagu dhex qaato xisbiyada iyo bulshooyinka.
    • Dambiyee oo maxkamad soo taag hanjabaadda iyo rabshadda lagula kaco haweenka siyaasadda ku jira, adigoo u arka weerar lagu qaaday nidaamka dimoqraadiyadeed ee dalka, ee aan loo arag “dhibaato qoys gaar u ah”.

    Ku xidh sharciyad hay’adeed hogaaminta haweenka ee jaamacadaha iyo diinta

    • Ka dhig aqoonsiga iyo shati-siinta jaamacadaha in ay ku xiran yihiin horumar la cabbiri karo oo loo sameeyo sinnaanta jinsiga ee jagada sare iyo golayaasha go’aan-qaadashada.
    • Ku waajib yeel in golayaasha diinta ee rasmi ah iyo guddiyada masaajidda ee shatiyeysan ay ku jiraan haween aqoon leh oo xubno buuxa ah, codkooduna tirinayo, kana muuqda fagaaraha – ee aan kaliya loo xirin “la-taliye aan rasmi ahayn” meel gadaal ah.

    Ilaali oo maalgelin goleyaal haweeneed oo madax-bannaan

    • Maalgelin xarumo cilmi-baaris oo haween hoggaamiyaan, idaacado iyo warbaahin haween maamulaan, xafiisyo sharci oo u dooda haweenka, iyo haldoor diineed oo haween hoggaamiyaan – kuwaas oo aan hoos imanayn xisbiyo, NGO-yo ama shabakado diineed oo rag ka talinayaan.
    • Si nidaamsan u kaydi oo u ururi shaqada siyaasadeed, aqooneed iyo diineed ee haweenka Soomaaliyeed – af-Soomaali iyo luqado kale – si xusuusta qaranku u joojiso inay noqoto hanti rag u gooni ah.

    Ka dhig taageerada dibadda mid ku xiran natiijooyin, ee aan ku ekaan hadal qurux badan

    • Deeq-bixiyeyaasha iyo saaxiibada caalamiga ah ha joojiyaan ku abaalmarinta hay’adaha Soomaalida erayo madhan oo “gender” ah; halkii ha ku xiro taageeradooda caddayn adag oo muujinaysa in haweenku si dhab ah u saameeyaan ajendayaasha, wadahadallada iyo qoraallada kama dambaysta ah.
    • Hay’adaha Islaamiga ah ee caalamiga ah ee Soomaaliya la shaqeeya ha ku adkaystaan in haweenku ka mid noqdaan kulammadooda cilmiyeed iyo barnaamijyadooda diinta – iyaga oo u arka arrin la xiriirta daacadnimada diineed, ee aan ahayn “midab-kordhin” siyaasadeed.

    Midna kuuma imaanayo iskiis “markay dhaqanku is beddelo” ama “marka waqtigu dhaco”. Waxay u baahan tahay in si toos ah loola hardamo xoogagga ka faa’iidaysta xaaladda: odayaasha qabiilka, maalqabeennada siyaasadda, saraakiisha waaweyn, albaab-ilaaliyeyaasha diinta – iyo qaybo ka mid ah warshadda NGO-yada ee ka macaasha tababbar aan dhammaad lahayn oo aan keenin isbeddel dhismeed.

    Jamhuuriyad Aan Dhammaystirnayn

    Doorashada hortaalla Soomaaliya waa mid cad. Dalka wuxuu sii wadan karaa muujiyaal dowladnimo iyo diintii oo la dabaqay, iyadoo nus ka mid ah muwaadiniintiisa si wax ku ool ah loo aamusiiyey; ama wuxuu aqbali karaa xaqiiqo sahlan:

    Qaran ka baqa codka haweenkiisa ma aha mid xooggan; waa qaran aan weli dhismin.

    In haweenka Soomaaliyeed loo oggolaado inay hadlaan oo ay go’aansadaan – gudaha baarlamaanka, jaamacadaha, iyo golayaasha diinta – ma aha arrin lagu daro liis oo dib loo dhigayo ilaa “ammaanku hagaago” ama “kobac dhaqaale la gaaro”. Waa cabbirka lagu ogaanayo in jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed ay isku qaadato si dhab ah – inay tahay dowlad ay dadka oo dhan leeyihiin, ee aan kaliya u furneyn nuska hadda makarafoonka haysta.

    Fikradaha, faallooyinka iyo jawaab celinta sidii caadada ahayd waa la soo dhoweynayaa.